The Conception:

Muslim world presents two different pictures at the opening and closing ends of the 20^th century. At the beginning of this century, the Muslims were in a state of disarray; most of the Muslim countries were under control of the colonial powers; the Ottoman empire was disintegrating into oblivion; balance of world power seemed to have finally settled in favour of the West, condemning the Muslims to a state of political servitude, economic dependence and intellectual and cultural stagnation. Before World War I, the Muslims were regarded as a world power. After the World War, they seemed to be in the process of being relegated to obscurity and insignificance. Some adversaries of Islam thought that its chapter in history had been closed; that the twilight would soon dissolve into darkness. The years and decades that followed have belied the prophets of doom. On the contrary, the inherent vitality of Islam proved too strong to be annihilated by the forces of political, intellectual and economic subjugation. Resistance blossomed into resurgence and the tide began to turn. Now, towards the end of the 20^th century, the Muslim world, despite much in it that is heart-rending, presents a sufficiently encouraging picture. The chains of political slavery in many parts of the Muslim world have been shattered. The balance of economic power is witnessing new shifts in favour of the Muslims. There is a perceptible disenchantment with man-made ideologies which had lately begun to cast a spell over Muslims as solvents to man’s problems. There is an increasing desire to draw upon the intrinsic resources of Islam to build a new order. What lies, to a large measure, at the root of these political, economic, cultural and intellectual manifestations of resurgence is a rediscovery of the relevance of Islam to the problems and challenges of the time. Undoubtedly, the problems facing the Muslims are formidable and the threats that confront them are legion. It is encouraging, nevertheless, that they are exhibiting restored confidence in efforts to regain lost glory and to contribute in reforming the world. This confidence and vitality is reflected in the Islamic revival movements which have emerged around the globe during the last 50 to 60 years.

The Jamaat-e-Islami ranks among the leading and most influential Islamic revivalist movements and the first of its kind to develop an ideology based on the modern revolutionary conception of Islam in the contemporary world.

Jamaat’s intellectual inspiration primarily came from thoughts of Maulana Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi, who along with the great thinker poet Dr. Mohammed Iqbal, set the pace for contemporary Muslim thinking in the South Asian sub-continent.

Sayyid Maududi often said that the idea for establishing the Jamaat came to him as he reflected on the problems the Muslims of India faced close to partition. The solution to those problems, he concluded, would require the services of a political party that could initiate radical changes in Muslim society. Life-long observation of
problems faced by Muslims of Sub-continent led Sayyid Maududi to believe that no Muslim party was likely to succeed unless it followed ethical and religious standards set in the Holy Quran and the Sunnah. He enjoined Muslims to be morally upright and to adhere without compromise to the values of their religion. Sayyid Maududi and his earliest companions did not worry much about the number, what they emphasised instead was the attaining qualitative standards. Hence, a party launched with merely 75 persons in 1941 raised its strength to 625 close to partition (1947).

With the founding of Pakistan on August 14, 1947, the Jamaat was also reorganised. It was then classified into two independent organisations C the Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan (385 members) and the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (240 members). Besides these two bodies, Jamaat has an autonomous existence in the Indian held Kashmir, also in Sri Lanka the Jamaat is working as a self-reliant establishment. In mid ’70s, the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh was also revived as an independent movement. While all the five organisations under the name of Jamaat-e-Islami are working for essentially similar objectives and have identical ideological approach, there is no organisational link between them. Each operates independently and has developed its programs and strategies for change and reconstruction in light of peculiar politico-ideological conditions of the country. The focus here in this presentation is exclusively on Jamaat-e-Islami, Pakistan.

The Inception:

Jamaat-e-Islami was established in Lahore on August 26, 1941 (2 Sha’ban, 1360 AH). One hundred and fifty (150) people were invited to attend the institutional meeting held at Maulana Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi’s residence located near Mubarak Masjid, Shibli Street, Poonach Road, Islamia Park, Lahore. In response, about 100 persons attended the meeting, out of which 75 agreed to join and work for party mission. These pioneer members came from all corners of Sub-continent; 24 belonged to areas now falling in Pakistan. They were all well qualified; 50 had received modern education; others were mostly religious scholars and represented variety of professions. The overwhelming majority (69) belonged to the age group of 20-40 years. All except 17 members (including 6 pre-partition separations), continued their life-long association with Jamaat (see profile as Appendix-I).

Since inception the Jamaat was run on the basis of a properly laid down constitution, the draft of which was presented in the very first session. This draft constitution was read article-wise and approved. The present constitution was re-drafted and approved in 1953 because of essential amendments warranted by partition and adoption of "Objectives Resolution" by Pakistan’s first constituent assembly. (See English version of the Constitution annexed at the end).

The Formation:

In order to understand, the manner in which Jamaat’s ideology found organisational expression; the extent to which it found a social identity and put down roots among various social strata; to understand what makes for the Jamaat’s strength as a political actor; to outline the structure, operation and social base of the party, one has to identify the variables:

- that determined Jamaat’s organisational structure and base of support

- which controlled the extent of continuity and change.

The Jamaat-e-Islami’s organisation initially consisted simply of the office of Ameer, the central Majlis-e Shura and the members (arkan; sing., rukn), and this did not change much during the party’s early years. Members were busy producing and disseminating literature especially the Tarjumanu’l Quran, expanding its publications and education units at Pathankot and giving form to the Arabic Translation Bureau (Dar’l-’Urubiyah), established in 1942 in Jullundar, East Punjab. Between 1941 and 1947, supporters were sorted keeping in mind the extent of their commitment to party. The hierarchy that resulted began at the bottom with those merely introduced to the Jamaat’s message (muta’arif), moved up to those influenced by the Jamaat’s message (muta’athir), then the sympathisers (hamdard) and ended with the members (arkan). The first three categories played no official role besides serving as a pool from which new members were drawn and helping relay the Jamaat’s message. All categories provided workers (karkuns) employed by party to perform political and administrative functions. They also served as workers in the party’s campaigns.

The hierarchy was revised in 1950-51 to consolidate the Jamaat’s structure. The categories of muta’arif and muta’athir were eliminated and a new category, the affiliate (mutaffiq) was added. Affiliates were those who favoured an Islamic order and supported the Jamaat but were not members. They were, however, under Jamaat’s supervision and were organised into circles and clusters. Affiliates stood higher in hierarchy than the sympathisers. The Jamaat also devised a rational and centrally controlled setting which enveloped affiliates and organised them into local units and chapters. The recent (1997) membership campaign was to register affiliates in a more systematic manner, and to sufficiently broaden popular base of the party.

The institution of the affiliate points to the importance placed on moral calibre and towards demanded for total submission to party’s objectives and decisions. The members vow to materialise vision of re-creating the Prophetic community of Mecca and Medina.

Starting with only 75 members in 1941, who came from all over Indo-Pak Sub-continent, the number of the permanent members (Arkan) of Jamaat rose to 10330 in 1996 (Punjab: 6027, NWFP: 2000, Sindh: 2019, Baluchistan: 239). Women permanent members were 795. Those on the waiting list were 1261 male and 329 female candidates. The 50 years growth pattern indicates that Jamaat has been very strict in preserving the virtuous hard core. Some 38943 male and 8366 female workers stood registered with the Jamaat by 1996, who kept contact with millions and reached every segment of society.

Recently (1997), Jamaat responded positively to the public call for a more populist approach and launched a special campaign to enlist common persons as "members" distinct from the basic "arkan". As a result, 2.2 million members were registered by mid-August 1997. The target set for the period ending Oct. 1997 is 5.0 million.

The Operation:

Jamaat’s organisational unity was boosted through frequent meetings at both the local and national level. Every Jamaat unit held regular meetings during which personal, local and national issues were discussed and every member gave an account (muhasibah) of his week’s activity to his superiors. If a member missed these meetings very often without a valid reason, he could be expelled from the party. Since every local Jamaat unit was part of a larger unit, each of which held meetings of its own, members could end up attending several meetings each week. The Jamaat sessions encouraged discussion and airing of views, but once a decision was reached, discussions end and the members adhere to it. National-level open meetings (ijtima-e- ‘aam) promoted solidarity in the party as a whole. To have some idea of Jamaat’s organisational activities, which cover meetings, training camps, study circles and conferences, figures for some selected years may be seen in the table at appendix-II.

The Organization:

The hierarchy of members constituted only one aspect of the Jamaat’s reorganisation. Of greater importance were the offices which managed the party. After shifting to Pakistan, the Jamaat began to deepen its organisational structure by constituting the offices of ameer, deputy ameer, secretary-general, and the Shura, with some variations, at the provincial, divisional, district, city, town/zone, and village/circle levels. Its structure was thus based on a series of concentric circles, relating the Jamaat’s smallest unit (maqam/halqa), consisting of two or more members, to the organisation’s national command structure (see figure as appendix III).

1) Ameer

The office of the Ameer was the first administrative unit created in the Jamaat and it has remained the most important. Initially the Ameer was elected by the central Shura through a simple majority vote but since the 1956 reforms he is elected by Jamaat members (arkan). Ameer’s term of office is fixed at five years while there is no limit to number of terms. A committee of the central Shura members chooses three candidates, whose names are then put before the members at large. Members send in their secret ballots to the Jamaat’s secretariat, whose controller of elections (nazim-e intikhabat) has been appointed by the Shura to oversee the process. A list of candidates must be put forth by the Shura sixty days before the elections and members must register to vote ninety days before the date of the election. No Ameer to date has been voted out of office. Both Sayyid Maududi and Mian Tufail Mohammed stepped down on their own decision.

When Jamaat was established, one view held was to have collective leadership. After thorough discussion it was however, decided to elect an Ameer. Maulana Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi was unanimously elected as the first Ameer of the Jamaat. Simultaneously, an ‘article’ was added in the party constitution that: "it was expected of the piety and the good sense of responsibility of the Ameer to vacate the seat, if and when he finds a person better qualified for the job." Thereafter the elections of the party Ameer have been held after every five years. Since there was no restriction on the number of terms, the party has so far elected three Ameers as follows:

- Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi 1941-1972

- Mian Tufail Mohammed 1972-1987

- Qazi Hussain Ahmad 1987-to date

In cases of emergency when the seat of Ameer fell vacant, the chief’s position could be temporarily occupied by one of the senior members elected by the Majlis-e-Shura. This was done to avoid any constitutional vacuum. Those who thus assumed the charge on various occasions on temporary basis include:

(1) Maulana Amin Ahsan Islahi (before partition)

(2) Mohammed Abdul Jabbar Ghazi

(3) Maulana Masood Alam Nadvi

(4) Maulana Abdul Ghaffar Hasan

(5) Shaikh Sultan Ahmad (elected as Ameer)

(6) Chaudhry Ghulam Mohammad

(7) Maulana Jan Mohammed Abbasi

(8) Mian Tufail Mohammed (elected as Ameer, 1972-1987)

(9) Chaudhry Rahmat Ilahi

(10) Maulana Fateh Mohammed

(11) Chaudhry Mohammed Ashraf Bajwa

(12) Khurram Murad

The Ameer is the supreme source of authority in the Jamaat and can demand the unwavering obedience of all members (ita’at-e nazm). He is, however, constitutionally bound by the set of checks and balances e.g., all doctrinal issues must be determined by the Shura; should the Ameer disagree with the Shura on any issue, he has a right of veto which throws the matter back to the Shura; should the Shura override the veto, the Ameer must either accept the decision of the Shura or resign from his post; the Ameer can be impeached by a two-thirds majority of the Shura etc. In budgetary and administrative matters the Ameer is bound by the decisions of the Majlis-e ‘Amelah, whose members he appoints from among Shura members.

Insofar as possible this organisation is replicated at each level of the party. Each lower-level Ameer is elected by the members of his constituency to varying terms depending on the level in question. These Ameers are similarly bound by the decisions of their Shura. The lower-level Ameers also oversee the office of their secretaries-general.

The present Ameer, Qazi Hussain Ahmad, was elected to the office on October 15, 1987. The party at this stage was sufficiently marginalized in national politics. The results were dissension within and without the party over its policies. Mian Tufail Mohammed stepped down as Ameer paving way for a new generation to lead. The Shura suggested Professor Khurshid Ahmad (Deputy Ameer), Maulana Jan Mohammed Abbasi (Sindh Ameer), and Qazi Hussain Ahmad (Secretary General) to succeed Mian Tufail. The party elected Qazi Hussain Ahmad (b. 1938 Ziaratkaka Sahib, NWFP). With a masters degree in geography and many years’ experience in teaching the subject at graduation level, Qazi Hussain Ahmad came from a family with strong religious traditions. His two elder brothers were Deobandi ulema, and his father was a devotee of Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madani of Jami‘at-e Ulama-i Hind, after whom Qazi Hussain Ahmad was named. Qazi Hussain Ahmad got acquainted with the Jamaat through its affiliate student organisation, the Jami‘at (IJT), and joined the Jamaat itself in 1970. Many, among both the younger members and the conservative old guard, felt that it was time to go in a new direction. Qazi Hussain appealed to both conservatives and the liberal elements. As the party’s most effective liaison during the Afghan war, he was favoured by all the Jehadi groups, while his populist style and call for the restoration of democracy endeared him to the younger generation which wanted the Jamaat to distance itself from the pro-Zia Muslim League and nationalist elements. The Jamaat had since made a politically sagacious choice by electing an assertive and populist Ameer. His appeal has been viewed as more directed towards the Pakistani electorate than towards the rank and file of the Jamaat. He is the first Ameer of the Jamaat to hold a national office; he had twice been a member of the Senate of Pakistan (1985-91 and 1991-96).

2) Shura

After the office of Ameer, the next most important pillar of the Jamaat’s organisational structure is the Majlis-e Shura. It has managed the evolution and implementation of the party’s ideology and has controlled the working of its constitution. The lower-level Shuras replicate the functions of the central Shura, but they do not carry weight equal to the central Shura. Members of Shuras at all levels are elected. Each represents a constituency geographically defined by the secretariat. These constituencies, drawn up by the Jamaat’s election commissioner, coincide with national electoral districts whenever the numbers permit. A Shura member must be a resident of his constituency.

In its early years, the central Shura had 12 members, but in 1951 membership was increased to 16 and as part of the constitutional reforms which followed Machchi Goth convention, to 50. The number was once again increased to 60 in 1972, giving greater representation to members. In 1989 every central Shura member represented approximately 100 Jamaat members. Presently, the central Shura consists of 70 members, out of which a 15-member Working Committee (‘Amelah) is selected by the Ameer-e-Jamaat.

The increase in size has vested greater powers in the central Shura. Regular members of the Jamaat may attend sessions of the Shura with the permission of the Ameer but have no speaking or voting rights. The central Shura meets once or twice a year and may in addition be called by the Ameer or a majority of its members whenever necessary. It reviews party activities and decides on future policies. It has subcommittees which specialise in various areas related to national and international affairs and of the Jamaat’s concern and provide the Shura with policy positions. While issues are openly debated in the Shura, verdicts are not handed down by majority vote alone. The Shura, especially when doctrinal matters are involved, works through a practice that reflects the Muslim ideal of consensus (ijma). The majority must convince the minority of its wisdom, leaving no doubt regarding the course on which the Jamaat seeks to embark.

Results for the latest Shura for the term 1997-2000 were announced on August 18, 1997, which indicated induction of 25 percent new members. This brings fresh blood and more dynamic persons to this apex decision-making body. The constitution of the present Shura also indicate that the incumbents held high-profile education in the fields of medicine, law, business, teaching, religion, accountancy and engineering etc.

3) Secretary General and Secretariat

The, day-to-day activities of the Jamaat are overseen by the whole-time functionaries centred in the party’s secretariat. The office of the Secretary General (qayyim) was created in 1941. He is appointed by the Ameer in consultation with the central Shura. Over the years, the central secretariat has not only increased in size but also has reproduced itself at lower levels creating an administrative command structure which extends from the centre to the smallest unit.

The secretariat structure of the Jamaat is duplicated in the party’s women’s wing (halqah-e khawatin), established in the ’50s. Women have a central Shura and an office of Secretary General (qayyimah). Secretary General of the women wing is also appointed by the Ameer in consultation with the women members. Their headquarters are situated in the central compound from where the working of nazimahs (organisers) of lower-level units are supervised. The women’s wing is primarily involved in propagating the Jamaat literature and ideas among Pakistani women. It also brings out its periodicals and hold various programs focusing on educational and welfare needs of women.

The Jamaat’s secretariat also oversees the working of special departments, the number and duties of which change depending on the needs of the party. Important departments are the departments of finance, workers’ training, social services and welfare, theological institutions, press relations, elections, public affairs, parliamentary affairs and Jamaat’s organisational affairs. Each department is headed by a nazim (head or organiser), appointed by the Ameer. The departments are responsible to the Secretary General and at times to a Deputy Ameer.

The Head Quarter:

Financed by private donations, the land for the Mansurah compound, party headquarters, was purchased in 1968. Construction on it began in 1972; while the Jamaat gradually shifted its offices there in 1974. The complex has since grown to include a small residential community, where some of the Jamaat leaders also reside. It accommodates the central offices of the secretariat and some of its numerous affiliated bodies i.e., a research institute, Islamic Research Academy (Idara-e Ma’arif-e Islami); an international educational institute, the Sayyid Maududi International Education Institute; Office of Adult Education; Bureau of the Voice of Islam (Idara-e Sadaa-e Islam); a unit concentrating on producing literature in Arabic, Darul Arooba; the Peasant’s Board (Kisan Board); a degree college for women, Jami‘atul-Muhsinat; a girls’ high school; the office of Jamaat-e-Islami of Punjab; libraries, a mosque and a welfare hospital. The Jamaat’s organisational models of, the Ameer, Shura, Secretary General, administrative and command networks stretching from the top of the party to its smallest units, has proved so efficacious that it has become an example for others to emulate.

The Associations

A host of affiliated, semi-autonomous institutions, despite standing apart from the Jamaat’s official organisation, greatly contribute to party’s reach in society. The significance of these bodies increases manifold when looked from the perspective of the unfortunate political culture of victimisation in the country. Soon after the establishment of Pakistan, the Jamaat was declared a pariah by the then government. The hostile government forbade its civil service to have any contact with Jamaat. Abiding by the legal restraints and limitations, the Jamaat devised a strategy of setting up institutions sufficiently distant to do its bidding. During Ayub Khan’s regime the Jamaat’s problems with the government were compounded when the party and everything associated with it were banned. The Jamaat coped with the challenge by divesting itself into some subsidiary organisations. Without being directly involved in politics, these organizations focused on various tasks of national importance.

These organizations fall into two categories: first, deal with propagation and publications; and second, with Dawa and professional activities among specialised groups. Other than the Islamic publications, Lahore, there are other independent bodies like the Islamic Research Academy, Karachi, established in 1963. These institutions have done much to propagate the Jamaat’s views and have contributed to the increasing influence of Islam across the Muslim world in general and in the social and political life of Pakistanis in particular. Similarly, apart from Jamaat’s own magazines like Tarjuman-ul-Quran, Asia and Aain, there are also the magazines which though are not officially associated with the Jamaat but still have remained close to its ideological position. These publications print social and political commentary and news analyses. The contribution of these ostensibly independent institutions to the dissemination of the Jamaat’s views among the masses has been substantial.

Affiliate institutions dealing with political matters are important to Jamaat. For the most part they are unions which act both to propagate the message of Islam among specific social groups and to consolidate the Jamaat’s power through union activity, especially among the new social groups that have been born of industrial change in Pakistan. Some of these unions, such as the Islami Jami‘at-e Talaba, were formed to proselytise but have since become effective politically as well. Others were launched in the late ’60s and ’70s to combat the influence of leftist unions and still others to concentrate on particular area and profession e.g., education (teachers), health (doctors), science and technology (engineers), law and justice (lawyers), business and economy, labour and youth affairs.

Union membership runs the gamut of professions and classes in Pakistan from farmers and peasants to the educated middle class. The most important are the peasant, labour and student unions. The Peasants’ Board was formed in 1976 to help farmers and promote Islamic Dawah in countryside. The National Labour Federation began its work in the ’50s but did not become prominent until the ’60s and ’70s. It has the same objectives as the Peasants’ Board. The National Labour Federation and another affiliate in the field, the Toilers Movement (Tahrik-e Mehnat), were effective in countering the influence of the left among Pakistani labourers. In the late ’70s, the National Labour Federation won important union elections at the Pakistan International Airlines, the shipyards and Pakistan Railways and in the steel industry.

Islami Jamiat-e Talaba

The most important of the Jamaat’s affiliates working on autonomous basis is the Islami Jami‘at-e Talaba (IJT). The roots of IJT can be traced to Sayyid Maududi’s address before the Muslim Anglo-Oriental College of Amritsar on February 22, 1940. In this address for the first time, he alluded to the need for a political strategy that would benefit from the activities of a "well-meaning" student organisation. Organising Muslim students did not follow immediately, however. The nucleus organisation was first established at the Islamiyah College of Lahore in 1945. The movement gradually gained momentum and created a drive for a national organisation on university campuses, especially in Punjab. The IJT was officially formed on December 23, 1947, in Lahore by 25 students. The newly formed organisation held its very first meeting the same year. Other IJT cells were formed in other cities of Punjab, notably in Karachi. It took IJT three to four years to consolidate these student cells into one organisation centred in Karachi. The IJT’s constitution was ratified in 1952.

Central to contemporary Islamic revivalism is the role student organisations have in translating religious ideals into political power. The IJT, or the Jami‘at - as it is popularly known - is one of the oldest movements of its kind and has in its own right been a significant and consequential force in Pakistan history and politics. In this capacity it has been central to the Islamization of Pakistan since 1947. It has served as a bulwark against the left and ethnic forces and has been active in national political movements such as those which brought down Ayub Khan’s dictatorial regime in 1969 and Bhutto’s despotic regime in 1977.

Around one third (even more) of the present leaders of the Jamaat-e-Islami began as members or affiliate (friend) of IJT. Notable in the top ranks are: Qazi Hussain Ahmad, Prof. Khurshid Ahmad, Sayyid Munawwar Hasan, Chaudhry Aslam Salimi, Liaqat Baluch, Hafiz Mohammad Idrees, Prof. Mohammed Ibrahim, Maqsood Ahmad, Ejaz Ahmad Chaudhry, Amirul-Azim and many more.

The Globalization:

The activities of Jamaat-e-Islami are not confined to Pakistan alone. Global in nature and purpose, it feels itself duty-bound to lend full support within its means to any cause of justice and peace anywhere, particularly affecting the Muslims, be it of Kashmir, of al-Quds, of Bosnia Herzegovina, of Chechnia and Central Asia, of Cyprus, of the Philippines, of Burma, of Bharat (India), of Eritria, of Iran and Iraq or of Afghanistan. As and when a problem emerged and a call for help received, the Jamaat-e-Islami had to swing around and gear its whole machinery to an all out campaign of political, moral and material support for the hunted people.

In its endeavours to propagate Islamic thought and to work for the cause of the Muslims around the world, Jamaat developed and maintained close brotherly relations with the Islamic movements and missions working in different continents and countries. Of these, some important movements are:

(a) Parties working under the name of "Jamaat-e-Islami" in India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and the Indian occupied Kashmir, which as mentioned earlier, were created due to the division of the Jamaat during the partition.

(b) The Akhwan-al-Muslimeen in the Arab world, the movements working in the northern African countries, Hammas in Palestine, Rifah in Turkey, Hizb-e-Nehdat-e-Islami, Tajikistan, Ma’Shoomi in Indonesia, the Muslim Youth Movement and the Islamic Party of Malaysia, al To’iah-al Islamia of Kuwait and Qatar and Al-Jamaat-e-Islamia of Lebanon, have ideological and at levels practical contacts with Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan.

(c) The UK Islamic Mission, the Islamic Foundation in Europe and the Muslim Student’s Association (M.S.A.) in US/Canada, are the outreaches of the Jamaat. Similarly strong centres have been established in the Christian world of Latin America and Africa. Work has been initiated in Spain where Islam was "eliminated" towards the end of the 15th century AD. Jamaat is moving successfully in France and Japan, where an increasing number is accepting Islam as their faith and way of life.

(d) The most prominent contribution of the Jamaat outside Pakistan has been its support to the freedom movements in Afghanistan, Kashmir, Bosnia and Chechnya. Jamaat shares in their struggle by extending all out moral support and campaigning for their cause.

More Details : Organisations and Associations Conforming with Jamaat-e-Islami, Pakistan